Part 10 - The New Knighthood (Bohemond II from 1110-1135)Bohemond II grows up as the contemporary and friend of his cousin Roger II of Sicily (of whom we shall hear more later). Bohemond II resembles his OTL counterpart physically (he has the same parents), but ripples in the timeline give him a very different personality. In appearance he has all the best features of the Norman and French royal lines, tall, fair and handsome. He'd be a real hit with the ladies, if that interested him at all. Historians in future years debate whether he was homosexual, but there is no evidence either way. He is ascetic, deeply concerned with martial values and the purification of the body. But he also has that rare streak of real charisma; he makes friends and influences people easily. In an era where penitence and piety are fashionable, Bohemond II is seen as the almost perfect leader. In 1119 Bohemond travels to Jerusalem, where he is welcomed by Roger. The Advocate is unsure about the young prince. Bohemond is a success at court, and Roger fears for his position. On the other hand he has no sons, and Bohemond would makes an excellent heir. For his part Bohemond shows all the correct respect to Roger. He takes part in the defence of the principality, distinguishing himself in numerous battles. The son of the invader of Egypt becomes known and feared by the Muslims of the south. While residing in Jerusalem Bohemond becomes involved with the embryonic Templar knights. Their professed purpose and lifestyle is identical to that which Bohemond desires. He takes them under his patronage, and soon becomes their spokesman and leader. His combination of vigorous martial success and devout piety commends the young Bohemond to another equally ambitious and pious character making a name for himself in the 1120s: Bernard of Clairvaux. The PoD isn't enough to prevent Bernard and friends setting up the monastery at Clairvaux, and encouraging the new Cistercian order. Bohemond travels to Clairvaux in 1123 to take Bernard's council. The two men get on extremely well, sharing many opinions on the future development of Christianity. Bohemond is totally enamoured with the new strict Cistercian rule, which he sees as ideal for the knightly order. Bernard is also extremely interested in the Poor Knights of Christ and the Temple of Solomon. With Bernard's help a provisional rule is drawn up, based on the Cistercian. In 1124 Roger the Advocate and Patriarch Warmund agree to support Bohemond's new knights. Their reasons are sound. Pilgrims remain under constant threat, and no ruler can command respect while his roads are constantly raided by robbers who can retreat to inviolable sanctuaries. The Templars provide the promise of improved the safety on the roads, thereby encouraging frustrated pilgrims and protecting merchants. The knighthood would also provide a sort of standing army within Jerusalem, where manpower problems are acute and experience is lost when pilgrim knights return to the west. In 1125 Bohemond becomes Advocate. After putting his affairs in order he returns briefly to Europe to meet Pope Honorius and attend the council of Troyes. Bernard and Bohemond present the rule at the council, and receive the blessing of the Pope for their endeavour. In the fervent atmosphere of piety it is believed that at last a true holy state is being founded; Jerusalem should belong to all Christendom i.e. the church. Bohemond formally takes the Templar vows, and the role of Grand Master and Advocate are merged on the Feast of St Hillary. The city is formally handed over to the Patriarch of Jerusalem. In the late 1120s Raymond de Puy moves the Hospital towards a more militarist stance. As Advocate Bohemond will stand no rival to the Templars, though he recognises the Hospital's value (and growing wealth). In 1134 the the two orders are merged, with Raymond becoming the Seneschal, with direct responsibility for the Order's finances. Even at this early stage the Temple receives great wealth from donations in Europe. Commanderies are established throughout Christendom, the pious leave gifts of land and money, and there are many recruits to the new cause. The identification of the Advocate as the leader of the Order results in a much higher profile for these early Templars than in OTL. As Bohemond is now the ultimate warrior monk, there is no chance of him leaving any heirs. After some discussion it is decided that his successor will be the next Grand Master of the Temple, subject to approval by the High Court and the Patriarch. Templar establishments are set up throughout Outremer, not simply in Palestine, though it is there that they remain strongest. In Galilee, Antioch and Lebanon groups establish themselves with the support of the local princes, happy to have the additional military forces. Part 11 - The Wooden Bridge (Damascus 1129-1132)The Assassins have spread throughout the Near East by the late 1120s. They hold strong enclaves in northern Syria, control the leadership in Egypt, and occupy an entire principality around Alamut in Persia. They also have a strong presence in Damascus, chief of the Muslim cities in Syria. Though they were driven out by riots in 1119, Toghetkin hopes to utilise them against his political opponents, and though he fears them he believes some accommodation can be made. Much of this strategy is made at the behest of his vizier al-Mazdaghani, who also seeks to manipulate the Assassin threat. Toghetkin refuses to allow the sectaries back into Damascus (other than envoys), but installs them in Banyas near the Frankish borders, hoping that they will take the brunt of the Frankish revival under Bohemond. Toghetkin dies in 1129 leaving the city as his son's inheritance. Less sure of his position than in OTL (with the Assassins significantly stronger) Taj al-Mulk Buri moves slowly to consolidate his power. He is uneasily aware of the enemies that stand against him in the murky world of Islamic politics. Chief amongst them - as always - is the vizier. al-Mazdaghani seeks to control Buri, and maintains a close contact with the Assassin leader at Banyas, one Bahram of Asterabad [1]. The situation is reminiscent of that in Egypt back in 1094. Once more, as in al-Nizar's time, the hereditary ruler comes out on top. While the Assassins are a powerful ally to the vizier, they are also al-Mazdaghani's weakest link. Buri carefully prepares a public relations campaign, whipping the population of Damascus into a frenzy against the sectaries. Simultaneously he secures the support of a number of key nobles, promising them a looser regime that of the vizier. At a prearranged signal the vizier is murdered in the Rose Pavilion, and Buri's trusted men take control of walls of the city. By spring 1130 he is undisputed master of Damascus. While al-Mazdaghani was surprised by the uprising, the Assassins are not. Bahram has been expecting and preparing for such an eventuality. He immediately opens negotiations with the Franks, in particular with Bohemond whose new warrior monk ethos strikes a chord with a fanatical Isma'ilis. At the same time Bahram's fedayeen penetrate into Damascus disguised as bedouins and dervishes. Bahram is confident of the success of his terrorists, but knows he cannot withstand a fully fledged military campaign. For this he needs the Frankish knights. He is prepared to acknowledge Frankish surzainity and pay tribute for Bohemond's protection, on condition that they may rule themselves at Banyas. For Bohemond this is a splendid opportunity, not only to enlarge his domain but potentially allowing him a route into Damascus, the last great prize in Syria. The self-determination of the Assassins isn't too hard a pill to swallow, and he accepts. Bohemond rides out with a hundred and fifty knights, while his infantry secure Banyas for the Assassins, who in turn swear allegiance to the Advocate. Buri has already launched his campaign, though he moves more slowly once news reaches him of the deal between the Franks and his enemies. Covering ground rapidly, Bohemond's forces meet Buri's at the Wooden Bridge a few miles south-west of Damascus. The knights are terribly outnumbered. Bohemond charges the enemy regardless, and the momentum of the impact drives the Saracens back in chaos. Bohemond orders the attack be broken off. With superb discipline the Templars feign retreat in true Turkish style. Buri falls for it, and the smaller Templar force manages to surprise and encircle the Muslims, who are slaughtered. The Battle of the Wooden Bridge greatly enhances the Templars' reputation. For the Assassins the battle means temporary security. For Bohemond this is only a tactical victory; Banyas has been secured, and with it the route to Damascus. But without vastly numerous forces equipped with sophisticated siege engines he has no chance against Damascus itself. Buri doesn't know this, and panics. He appeals to the one force he believes can save him, Balak of Aleppo. Balak quickly assembles his army and hurries south. While Bohemond is back in Palestine, trying to persuade the other Frankish leaders to contribute to an army big enough to take Damascus, the Aleppans arrive outside the walls of the city. Balak quickly drives the Franks all the way back to Banyas, and places the Assassin's castle under a loose siege. News of Balak's arrival cuts short any prospect of an easy victory for the Franks, and the young Tancred II is reluctant to commit his forces to what he sees as a wasteful and doomed operation. Balak is welcomed cautiously in Damascus. He behaves correctly, and doesn't allow his army into the city. By now its autumn 1130, and there isn't long left in the campaigning season. In October Buri is cut down by five disguised Assassins as he leaves the mosque to go to his harem. The killers are themselves slain immediately afterwards. Rumours spread of Balak's complicity in the murder, but his scrupulous behaviour and the obvious motive of the Assassins quashes any prospect of action against him. Vicious palace infighting breaks out as Buri's son Ismail struggles with his mother, the Princess Zumurrud, who favours Ismail's brother Swarinj. Balak backs Ismail, and the dowager's party is defeated and put to death. Ismail himself proves to be an erratic and unpopular leader. Balak reverses his policy, and promising to retain the autonomy of the local emirs, he installs Sawar as atabeg. Sawar is a trusted friend and Damascene soldier, and proves popular with the population. Ismail is quietly murdered, walled up alive. Balak himself spends winter in Damascus, entertaining his army and restoring order to the area. In spring 1131 he strikes against the independent rulers of Hamas and Balbek, so as to control a continuous band of territory through Syria. This Muslim against Muslim fighting encourages some of the Franks to believe that the war over Banyas will cease. Bohemond knows better, and breaks the loose siege early in the year, giving himself more freedom for further action. Balak backs down, and abandons any plans for immediate aggressive action against the Franks - for the time being at least. He prefers an approach conserving his forces for a decisive campaign. The rest of the year is spent establishing a secure control over his conquests. The Franks begin to relax their vigilance. In the autumn Balak announces his assumption of the title Sultan (King) of Syria, but submits to the Caliph in Baghdad, promising to fulfil the counter-crusade (jihad) that al-Mustarshid had previously ordained but signally failed to produce. The Muslim world is united behind the Dragon, and there is little Baghdad can do to oppose him. [1] Bahram was killed in a minor skirmish before this date in OTL. I'm assuming the different political geography keeps him a going a little longer. Part 12 - The Field of Blood (Edessa campaign: 1132)In the winter of 1131-2 Joscelin of Courtenay and Count of Edessa falls dangerously ill. Unlike OTL he has no male heir by his first wife, sister of King Leo of the Roupenians [1]. His second wife Maria of Salerno (sister of Roger the Advocate) has given him a daughter, Stephanie [2]. Joscelin, like Baldwin of Le Bourg, is well liked by the Armenians and is reasonably tolerant toward the local Christians. He finally gives up the ghost early in February 1132. The heir is Stephanie, who is only 12 years old. Maria insists on holding the regency until an appropriate husband for Stephanie can be found in the West. Only Joscelin's tolerant behaviour and Maria's own popularity allow her to survive, though the Frankish leaders complain about the impracticality of a woman leading a military frontier-state. They are right to worry, but not about Maria's abilities. She reveals herself as a capable leader in adversity. It is rather that Joscelin's death encourages Balak to strike at what has always been an essentially indefensible position. He decides to strike directly against the city of Edessa, banking on speed and a quick siege rather than risking the arrival of the entire forces of Christendom, a likely result if he tried to systematically reduce the surrounding towns. In the event the siege lasts throughout April, though the outcome is never in doubt. Balak has good soldiers, good engines, and commands the respect of his subordinates. Local forces can do little against the besiegers, and there is no chance of them becoming encircled in turn. Geoffrey, Plantaganet Prince of Antioch, has only recently arrived in the east and is unwilling to risk his entire army without support from the southern princes. Alone Maria displays a tremendous skill in managing the defence of the city, and refuses all offers of an honourable surrender. Eventually the Gate of Hours is destroyed by a monstrous battering ram, and the saracens take Edessa by storm. Balak behaves better than OTL's Ilghazi, but isn't the soft touch Saladin was. Much of the garrison is slain, and all surviving Franks, soldiers and civilians alike, are sold into slavery. Balak treats the native Christians well. Within a few days churches are opened, now staffed by Jacobite priests. Maria herself is decently treated, but no exceptions are made and she is taken captive to Balak's imposing fortress of Kharput. The fall of Edessa is a terrible shock to the Frankish princes. Bertrand, Tancred and Geoffrey all agree to unite with Bohemond, whose preparations for war are already well advanced. Bertrand himself contributes few troops, needing them to face what he believes will be the main onslaught from Damascus, but he agrees to come and fight himself (which turns out to be a mixed blessing). Moving his forces rapidly up the coast road Bohemond joins the armies of Galilee, Lebanon and then Antioch before riding east to face Balak. The Frankish forces are the equal of Balak's in numbers, and have the advantage in armour and fighting prowess. But by time the campaign is underway it is the height of summer, and the Franks have four headstrong leaders, while Balak enjoys a unified command. Arriving at Artah the princes decide to pause and confer regarding strategy. Conflicting reports arrive from Frankish scouts. Some tell of foot soldiers and engines moving south, on the eastern side of the Euphrates. Raids by horsemen suggest the advance parties of a strike towards Antioch. Scouts operating from Turbessel indicate Balak moving west. Bohemond favours pushing east to cut off the southern blow, and then strike quickly at Edessa, encircling Balak. Geoffrey, fearing that Antioch will be attacked, suggests moving north-east. Tancred dithers, but falls in behind Geoffrey, fearing to take the risk of being cut off deep inland. Bertrand agrees. Eventually Bohemond is forced to acquiesce. They march towards Azaz. Balak, having shed much of his siege equipment and supply, moves faster and chooses the ground on which to fight. As the Franks approach Azaz they find themselves short of water and increasingly exhausted by Bohemond's imposing physical demands. As a super-fit warrior monk he expects from his troops a level of martial endeavour they cannot produce. He orders that they push on through the night to reach Azaz. Bertrand, knackered himself, stands up to Bohemond and calls a halt to the army. Unable to go on alone with only his Templars, Bohemond is forced to make camp. It is a dreadful mistake. Balak's mobile forces move up during the night and encircle the Franks. At dawn they subject the Christians to a withering barrage of archery
fire. It is a scorching day. Desperate to escape the encirclement the
knights charge, and manage to break a narrow gap in the saracen lines.
The leaders and many knights get through, but are too few to turn the
tide. The men inside the encirclement are doomed. Bohemond himself
remains, holding the gap open as long as possible, before returning to
lead the final stand. By nightfall the Franks are destroyed, slaughtered
almost to a man. Bohemond falls injured, clutching a piece of the True
Cross.
The battle is a catastrophic Frankish defeat, and becomes known as the
Field of Blood (Ager Sanguinis)[3]. Bohemond is dragged off in chains to
join Maria at the grim castle of Kharput. All the other wounded Frankish
knights are slain. Balak now has the Christian east at his mercy.
Tancred and Bertrand flee back to their principalities to arrange their
defence. In Antioch there is absolute panic, and rumours of saracen
advance spread like wildfire. Geoffrey manages to restore order only by
sealing the city, preventing the entire population fleeing in disorder.
He prepares for a last ditch defence, knowing he no longer has the
manpower to hold the long walls of Antioch. But Balak has his sights on
another objective.
[1] In OTL his first marriage produced the dubious Joscelin II. I've
given several other princes sons where in OTL they had none, so in the
interests of balance I'm removing Joscelin II.
[2] As in OTL. Maria hardly features in our history, but is a major
character here.
[3] Not the same place as OTL's Field of Blood, which was near
al-Athrib, not Azaz, though Azaz had its own bloody battle in OTL.
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