Author: Paul Walker
Reviewed by: Sarah Stroumsa
Al-Sijistani represents the Neoplatonist school of the Ismai-liyya.
This development was initiated by al-Sijistani's predecessor, Muhammad
al-Nasafi, but, according to Walker, it is al-Sijistani who expresses
the high water-mark of the Neo-platonist approach. Walker endeavors
to demonstrate that the importance of al-Sijistani, "perhaps the foremost
Muslim Neo-platonist theologian and philosopher of his era," extends
well beyond the sectarian and doctrinal issues involved (p. 17). As
an example of the impact that al-Sijistani's thought may have had
on the development of medieval Islamic philosophy, Walker dwells,
in particular, on its possible influence on Avicenna. As another,
not less important example, one may mention the Longer Version of
the so-called Theology of Aristotle. Walker alludes to the striking
similarities between al-Sijistani's emanational theory and that of
the Longer Version, and in particular to the concepts of the divine
will or the Logos which both compositions have in common, and which
are not to be found in the Enneads or in the Shorter Version of the
Theology. The question of the origin of the Longer Version is still
open to debate: did it originate in Ismaili circles, as suggested
by Shlomo Pines ("La longue recension de la theologie d'Aristote dans
ses rapports avec la doctrine ismaelienne," REI 22 [1954]: 7-20),
or was it only adopted by the Ismailis, as suggested by Fritz Zimmerman
("The Origins of the Theology of Aristotle," in Pseudo-Aristotle in
the Middle Ages: The Theology and Other Texts, ed. Jill Kraye et al.
[London: The Warburg Institute, 1986], 109-295), or perhaps it is
the product of Jewish Neoplatonists who were influenced by the Ismailis,
as suggested by Paul Fenton ("The Arabic and Hebrew Versions of the
Theology of Aristotle," in Psuedo-Aristotle in the Middle Ages, 241-
64). The study in depth of Ismaili texts, as the work reviewed here,
is an essential step on the way to a sound reexamination of these
theories.
The Wellsprings is a philosophical book, intended by its author for
"someone long practiced in the premises of demonstrative reasoning"
(p. 42). Although it is not a systematic work, its forty discourses,
called "wellsprings" (Yanabi, sing. yanbu) cover the ground of the
Neoplatonist emanational theory, as well as that of Ismaili theology.
In his introduction, Walker discusses the philosophical sources of
the work (e.g., The Theology of Aristotle and the Pseudo-Ammonius),
and points to its background in a syncretistic religious milieu -
a milieu reflected in its use of the Christian Gospels. Walker dates
the composition of the work to around 350/961, i.e., under the reign
of the Fatimid Caliph al-Muizz, and discusses its authenticity, the
general outline of its doctrine, and its relation to al-Sijistani'
s other works.
Walker intends this book as "a study of an individual work of Ismaili
philosophy, of this sect's theology and doctrine, and of a form of
literature that its author chose as his preferred intellectual vehicle"
(pp. x-xi). The analytical part, incorporated in the introduction
and the commentary, complements and deepens in an exemplary way the
synthesis provided already in Early Philosophical Shiism.
The bulk of the study revolves around the translation of Kitab al-
Yanabi, and it is on this translation that I would like to offer a
few comments. Walker rightly introduces al-Sijistani's work as belonging
to "an obscure, quasi-philosophical tradition from a minority, sectarian
position, where the meaning and context of words and phrases are not
necessarily those of well-known authors" (p. x). The English translation
provided by Walker, however, makes al-Sijistani much less obscure.
Compared to Henry Corbin's French translation of parts of the Kitab
al-Yanabi (Le Livre des sources, in Trilogie ismaelienne [Paris, 1961],
3-126), Walker's translation is refreshingly straightforward. (A
typical example is the word muqaddas, rendered by Corbin as "sacrosaintete,
" and which Walker translates as "hallowed" - a word as hieratic but
less ornate, not to say less pompous.) Walker aims at a translation
that will offer the reader a coherent, intelligible English text.
It should be said from the outset that he succeeds to an impressive
extent in achieving this difficult goal.
Nevertheless, it seems to me that the desire to give precedence to
fluent English, and to limit the reader's need to refer to footnotes,
produces at times infelicitous translations. In al-Sijistani's Neoplatonic
epistemology, the sources of knowledge are four: intellect, soul,
speaking-prophet and founder. The role of the first source, the intellect,
is tayid, which, as Walker notes correctly, stresses "concepts of
support, confirmation, collaboration, strengthening" (p. 7). Yet,
instead of choosing one of these words, Walker translates tayid throughout
as "inspiration." It is indeed true that, for al-Sijistani as well
as for other Neoplatonizing Ismailis, "the benefit of intellect is
inspiration, a kind of infusion of knowledge" (p. 7). Corbin, who
usually translates tayid as "confortation spirituelle," also suggests
that sometimes "inspiration" is preferable.
In the translations of medieval philosophical texts, however, "inspiration"
usually renders another Arabic term. According to the freethinkers
of medieval Islam (e.g., Ibn al-Rawandi and Abu Bakr al-Razi), human
beings, like ducks and geese, are endowed from birth with all the
knowledge essential for their salvation. This innate, intuitive knowledge,
called ilham, is the freethinkers' answer to the authoritarian epistemology
of prophetic religions, and it has become common practice to translate
this term as "inspiration." It cannot be argued that the freethinkers'
concept of ilham is irrelevant to Ismaili doctrine, or that tayid
and ilham belong to two different circles, whose thought may never
meet. The Ismailis perceived the freethinkers' concept of ilham as
a direct threat to their own hierarchical soteriology. It is no mere
chance that the few extant fragments of the freethinkers' heretical
works are preserved by Ismaili authors, such as al-Muayyad (!) fi'
l-Din and al-Sijistani's predecessor, Abu Hatim al-Razi. In the texts
of these authors, tayid and ilham appear as contradictory concepts.
In this context, it would seem preferable to translate tayid in a
manner that would stay closer to its literal meaning.
Another problematic translation relates to the role of the speaking-
prophet (natiq), who "functions first and foremost by verbal compilation,
the codification of law, the scripting of truth into words" (p. 8).
His specific role is thus that of talif, which means literally "composition."
Accordingly, Walker translates it sometimes as "scriptural compilation"
(e.g., on p. 4). True, this literal (and accurate) translation does
not wholly convey the profound meaning of the prophet's role, whose
scripture "is a linguistic incarnation of intellect (aql mujassam)."
Walker's decision, however, to translate it in most cases as "incarnation"
gives precedence to the refinements over the essentials. It seems
evident to me that, for any reader of the Arabic text, including educated
Ismailis, talif continued to indicate first and foremost the Prophet'
s connection to the composed text of the Scriptures.
The translator of Arabic medieval philosophical texts (as, indeed,
the translator of any text) has to make a difficult choice between
an accurate, literal translation, which may sound wooden, and a freer,
more elegant rendering, which may lose much of the flavor of the
original. In general, it seems that Walker has opted in favor of fluent
English, a choice which I find wholly justifiable. In the case of
key terms, however, the original meaning becomes of prior importance.
Terms like "inspiration" and "incarnation" may seem familiar to the
English-speaking, mostly Christian reader, and thus make the text
more accessible, but they miss too much of their original semantic
value, and are therefore misleading.
Besides the translation and analysis, the Arabic text itself claims
our attention. Walker rightly acknowledges Corbin's edition of the
Kitab al-Yanabi as "a usable, intelligently edited version." Walker'
s translation, however, is based on a re-examination of the manuscripts
and clearly reflects what amounts, in fact, to the preparation of
a new edition of the text. In a review of Walker's Early Philosophical
Shiism (JAOS 115.3), I expressed the hope that Walker's book would
open the way for scholarly editions and translations of al-Sijistani'
s works. The publication of the translation of The Wellsprings fulfills
part of this wish, and we are grateful for it; one does not usually
see one's hopes realized so quickly. This publication, however, whets
the appetite for more. Al-Sijistani's Kitab al-Maqalid, for example,
is yet unedited, but also a new edition of the text of Kitab al-Yanabi
would not be superfluous.
SARAH STROUMSA THE HEBREW UNIVERSITY