Posted: Tue May 26, 2009 4:55 pm Post subject: SOCIAL TRENDS
May 26, 2009
Liberated and Unhappy
By ROSS DOUTHAT
American women are wealthier, healthier and better educated than they were 30 years ago. They’re more likely to work outside the home, and more likely to earn salaries comparable to men’s when they do. They can leave abusive marriages and sue sexist employers. They enjoy unprecedented control over their own fertility. On some fronts — graduation rates, life expectancy and even job security — men look increasingly like the second sex.
But all the achievements of the feminist era may have delivered women to greater unhappiness. In the 1960s, when Betty Friedan diagnosed her fellow wives and daughters as the victims of “the problem with no name,” American women reported themselves happier, on average, than did men. Today, that gender gap has reversed. Male happiness has inched up, and female happiness has dropped. In postfeminist America, men are happier than women.
This is “The Paradox of Declining Female Happiness,” the subject of a provocative paper from the economists Betsey Stevenson and Justin Wolfers. The paper is fascinating not only because of what it shows, but because the authors deliberately avoid floating an easy explanation for their data.
The decline of the two-parent family, for instance, is almost certainly depressing life satisfaction for the women stuck raising kids alone. But this can’t be the only explanation, since the trend toward greater female discontent cuts across lines of class and race. A working-class Hispanic woman is far more likely to be a single mother than her white and wealthy counterpart, yet the male-female happiness gap holds in East Hampton and East L.A. alike.
Again, maybe the happiness numbers are being tipped downward by a mounting female workload — the famous “second shift,” in which women continue to do the lion’s share of household chores even as they’re handed more and more workplace responsibility. It’s certainly possible — but as Wolfers and Stevenson point out, recent surveys actually show similar workload patterns for men and women over all.
Or perhaps the problem is political — maybe women prefer egalitarian, low-risk societies, and the cowboy capitalism of the Reagan era had an anxiety-inducing effect on the American female. But even in the warm, nurturing, egalitarian European Union, female happiness has fallen relative to men’s across the last three decades.
All this ambiguity lends itself to broad-brush readings. A strict feminist and a stringent gender-role traditionalist alike will probably find vindication of their premises between the lines of Wolfers and Stevenson’s careful prose. The feminist will see evidence of a revolution interrupted, in which rising expectations are bumping against glass ceilings, breeding entirely justified resentments. The traditionalist will see evidence of a revolution gone awry, in which women have been pressured into lifestyles that run counter to their biological imperatives, and men have been liberated to embrace a piggish irresponsibility.
There’s evidence to fit each of these narratives. But there’s also room for both.
Feminists and traditionalists should be able to agree, for instance, that the structures of American society don’t make enough allowances for the particular challenges of motherhood. We can squabble forever about the choices that mothers ought to make, but the difficult work-parenthood juggle is here to stay. (Just ask Sarah and Todd Palin.) And there are all kinds of ways — from a more family-friendly tax code to a more accommodating educational system — that public policy can make that juggle easier. Conservatives and liberals won’t agree on the means, but they ought to agree on the end: a nation where it’s easier to balance work and child-rearing, however you think that balance should be struck.
They should also be able to agree that the steady advance of single motherhood threatens the interests and happiness of women. Here the public-policy options are limited; some kind of social stigma is a necessity. But a new-model stigma shouldn’t (and couldn’t) look like the old sexism. There’s no necessary reason why feminists and cultural conservatives can’t join forces — in the same way that they made common cause during the pornography wars of the 1980s — behind a social revolution that ostracizes serial baby-daddies and trophy-wife collectors as thoroughly as the “fallen women” of a more patriarchal age.
No reason, of course, save the fact that contemporary America doesn’t seem willing to accept sexual stigma, period. We simply don’t have the stomach for permanently ostracizing the sexually irresponsible — be they a pregnant starlet, a thrice-divorced tycoon, or even a prostitute-hiring politician.
In this sense, ours is a kinder, gentler, more forgiving country than it was 40 years ago. But for half the public, it’s an unhappier country as well.
May 29, 2009
Married With Bankruptcy
By ANDREW J. CHERLIN
IN times of economic crisis, Americans turn to their families for support. If the Great Depression is any guide, we may see a drop in our sky-high divorce rate. But this won’t necessarily represent an increase in happy marriages, nor is the trend likely to last. In the long run, the Depression weakened American families, and the current crisis will probably do the same.
We tend to think of the Depression as a time when families pulled together to survive huge job losses. The divorce rate, which had been rising slowly since the Civil War, suddenly dropped in 1930, the year after the Depression began. By 1932, when nearly one-quarter of the work force was unemployed, it had declined by around 25 percent from 1929. But this does not mean that people were suddenly happier with their marriages. Rather, with incomes plummeting and insecure jobs, unhappy couples often couldn’t afford to divorce. They feared that neither spouse would be able to manage alone.
Today, given the job losses of the past year, fewer unhappy couples will risk starting separate households. Furthermore, the housing market meltdown will make it more difficult for them to finance their separations by selling their homes.
After financial disasters (and natural ones as well) family members also tend to do whatever they can to help each other and their communities. In a 1940 book, “The Unemployed Man and His Family,” the sociologist Mirra Komarovsky described a family in which the husband initially reacted to losing his job “with tireless search for work.” He was always active, looking for odd jobs or washing windows for neighbors. Another unemployed man initially enjoyed spending more time with his young children. These men’s spirits were up, and their wives were supportive.
The problem is that such an impulse is hard to sustain. The men Komarovsky studied eventually grew discouraged, their efforts faltered, and their relationships with their wives and teenage children often deteriorated. Across the country, many similar families were unable to maintain the initial boost in morale. For some, the hardships of life without steady work eventually overwhelmed their attempts to keep their families together. The divorce rate began to rise again in 1934 when employment picked up, providing some unhappy couples with the income they needed to separate. The rate rose during the rest of the decade as the recovery took hold.
Millions of American families may now be in the initial stage of their responses to the current crisis, working together and supporting one another through the early months of unemployment. During the Depression this stage seemed to last a year at most. Today, it might last longer. Wives now share with their husbands the burden of earning money, and the government provides more assistance.
But history suggests that this response will be temporary. By 1940 the divorce rate was higher than before the Depression, as if a pent-up demand was finally being satisfied. The Depression destroyed the inner life of many married couples, but it was years before they could afford to file for divorce.
Today’s economic slump could well generate a similar backlog of couples whose relationships have been irreparably ruined. So it is only when the economy is healthy again that we will begin to see just how many fractured families have been created.
Andrew J. Cherlin, a professor of sociology at Johns Hopkins University, is the author of “The Marriage-Go-Round: The State of Marriage and the Family in America Today.”
When discussion turns to root causes for many of Canada's social ills, the breakdown of the family is inevitably among them. Single parenthood is statistically a prime catalyst for the creation of more households living at poverty standards, and the resultant social and emotional turmoil among the children affected by it. That is not to say, of course, that single-parent families are all doomed to self-destruct and become a charge on the social welfare net, but rather that marriage offers the best blueprint for creating and maintaining the stability children need to thrive.
Of course, that is also not to say that people in abusive or otherwise destructive marriages should remain in them for the children's sake. But a report from the Institute of Marriage and Family Canada points to a disturbing trend in cohabiting, a trend which would indicate that for the purposes of raising children, living together is deemed to be no different than marriage.
The report's authors, Andrea Mrozek and Rebecca Walberg, point out that when parents live common-law or a single parent raises a child from birth, families are more likely to rely on welfare, low-income housing programs and day-care subsidies. They say a conservative estimate of these costs to the taxpayer amounts to about $7 billion a year. They're calling on the federal government to offer incentives to people to tie the knot, such as cutting off common-law couples from tax benefits married couples enjoy.
There is something about making a vow and sealing a commitment in a marriage ceremony that lends gravitas to a relationship and inspires the couple to work harder at it, than the mere decision to move in together. Four years ago, Statistics Canada reported that in 1981, about six per cent of couples were living together, but by 2001, the figure was approximately 14 per cent. StatsCan also reported in 2003 that 63 per cent of cohabiting relationships end within 10 years, while only 14 per cent of married couples split up in that time.
Finding ways to encourage people to marry is to the government's advantage. Marriage fosters a stable, nurturing environment for children who in turn grow up independent of the social safety net, and emotionally healthy enough to enter into and maintain stable marriages of their own.
Ottawa may have no business in the bedrooms of the nation, but it has a huge social and economic stake in the future of Canadian children. The federal government should use this report to say "I do" to looking into a host of ways, including reforming the tax structure in favour of married couples -- two-in-come or otherwise--that will be an incentive for people to make the bond between them official.
U.S. President Barack Obama on Friday reflected over the hole left in his life by the absence of his own father, as he called on American men to do their duty by their kids, two days before Father's Day.
Obama launched what the White House termed a "national conversation" on fatherhood, taking aim especially at minority youths and men, and admitted that he had been at times a "far from perfect" father himself.
"Children who grow up without fathers are more likely to drop out of school and wind up in prison," Obama said at a town-hall style meeting at the White House that including several top sports stars. "They're more likely to have substance abuse problems, run away from home and become teenage parents themselves. And I say this as someone who grew up without a father in my own life."
Obama endured a childhood mostly with an absent Kenyan dad, and in many ways launched his political career in his book Dreams from My Father, in which he traced his own ancestry and described his upbringing.
Many years ago--14 almost to the day--a male columnist from Edmonton blamed virtually every human ill he could think of on "career women."
This columnist credited these evil women for teenage pregnancy, murderous children and "half-tamed savages" roaming the streets on "women deciding their professional careers must come first and motherhood second."
His "proof" for his audacious claims? In July 1995, 10 Canadian teenagers had been charged in homicides-- the stabbing of a Calgary father who picked up three teenage girls, the clubbing death of a man in Prince Rupert, B. C., the killing of an 82-year-old woman in Montreal, and the murder of a Saskatchewan seven-year-old.
I wasn't yet a mother then, but I decided to check out his unresearched assertion, to find out how many of those 10 homicidal kids had "career women" as mothers.
This is what I found: not one of those 10 kids charged had a mom who had a full-time job, let alone a career. On the contrary. One of the young killers came from a so-called traditional two-parent household where the mom always stayed home and the father worked. One of the other mothers had a part-time, low-paying job to supplement her child-support income, but she worked only while her children were at school. The rest stayed home full time and I presume were on social assistance.
I was reminded of this because this week Alberta Finance Minister Iris Evans has found herself in a storm of controversy over comments in which she seemed to blame working parents for mental illnesses or horrific crimes.
"The huge failure of Canadians is not to educate the children properly and then why should we be surprised when they have mental illnesses or commit dreadful crimes?" said Evans during a question-and-answer period following a speech she gave to the Economic Club of Canada in Toronto on Wednesday.
Evans said good parents sacrifice some income to stay at home while their children are young, which is something she did and is something her grown children are now also doing, which is laudable, to be sure.
"They've understood perfectly well that when you're raising children you don't both go off to work and leave them for somebody else to raise," said Evans. "This is not a statement against day care. It's a statement about their belief in the importance of raising children properly."
Sigh. So much to write, so little space. Firstly, many Canadian couples would love nothing more than to have one parent stay home with their kids full time, but the reality of today's world makes that impossible for some and very difficult for most.
After my twin boys were born in 1997, I took almost one year off from work and upon my return and because of the public nature of my work, I received numerous vitriolic letters from women who criticized my return. One was penned by a woman freelance writer, let's call her Marni, who told me I was "no better than a child abuser" and other charming epithets. A couple of years later, Marni set up an appointment to see me and then asked me for a full-time job! She and her husband could no longer make ends meet with one salary and provide the opportunities they wanted to give their children. I was going to suggest she choose a crisp Chardonnay to go with the crow she had to eat, but I decided to take the high road instead. You see, I recognized that if she loved her kids even one-tenth as much as I did mine, she would chop off her right arm for them if need be.
But let's not kid ourselves. Not all career women work because they must bring home the proverbial bacon. In my case, staying home full time would have been a considerable financial blow to our family, but it was doable. However, when I was a teen and I saw what marital breakup did to some stay-at-home moms very close to me, I vowed then that I would never allow myself and my future kids to be put in that predicament. Is that an unreasonable hang-up? In my case, thanks to the man I married--who is now a full-time stay-at-home dad --I believe it is. But I also know I am a happier, more engaged and better mom than I would be had I stayed home full time. It's also my belief that I would have grown very unhappy and potentially depressed had I done so. It's just the way I'm wired. Condemn me and others like me if it makes you feel better, but we are and always have raised our kids "properly" and they are doing fantastic, thanks very much.
Recently, a wonderful man I know tells of how his wife stayed home full time to raise their now grown kids. His now ex-wife lives on $24,000 a year gross, provided by himself as alimony--very nearly poverty level. That's a sacrifice, all right, and not one most men I know--and I'm hoping most women today --are willing to make.
June 21, 2009
Father Meets Son
By JOHN S. BURNETT
THERE was a water-stained photograph, faded from years of tropical heat, of my 10-year-old son and me as we walked away down the pier toward my sailboat. I had my arm around his shoulders and his arm was around my waist; there was a lot of love in that picture. Permanently framed in the boat, the photo captured that sad moment — the last time I was to see my son for 27 years.
I met him again in a crowded hotel lobby in New York City. We had agreed to meet, to test the waters. A son was now ready to find out who his father was, a father wanted to know how his son turned out. I heard a man’s voice behind me and I knew it was him.
There are no guidebooks on how to prepare for that first awkward meeting. There is no Web site that will tell a reappearing father what to expect or how to act when he and his son meet for the first time since his childhood. And what about those crucial first words? “Hey, son, how are you?” “Long time, no see.” Or: “I’m sorry, son. It was not your fault.” It is a moment that a father, possibly defensive, and a son, probably resentful, have played out in their minds for years. We had to tread carefully.
There are millions of absent fathers; there are at least that many children out there who are wondering who their fathers are. Barack Obama recalled in “Dreams From My Father” that when he was small, his father just vanished. “It was into my father’s image ... that I’d packed all the attributes I sought in myself,” he wrote. When Mr. Obama was told that his father had died, he said, “I felt no pain, only the vague sense of an opportunity lost.”
My son was not going to miss his opportunity. I had tried to make contact a few years earlier but it was not the right time. His best friend had just lost his brother to a roadside bomb in Iraq. But the hours he spent helping his friend try to make sense of what had happened got him to thinking. “I realized it can all end so suddenly,” he told me later. “There were some things I realized I wanted to get done and one of them was to know who my father was.” That death and my previous unanswered attempt to make contact were the forces that caused him to make his own move. He greeted me with a firm handshake and a strong voice. But it was not until later that I recognized him as my onetime 10-year-old buddy.
So that first evening, we met as strangers. Our wives were present, necessary buttresses for this delicate moment. He spoke first: “I recognize you from the white hair.”
“Yeah, like a beacon in a fog-bound channel,” I said.
He had once seen me on CNN in a hotel in India and thought, “Jeez, that’s my father.” But he had already known I existed, for his mother often said, in a fit of pique I would imagine, “You’re just like your father!” The first he knew I was still among the living was when he noticed a book with my name on it on a table in Barnes & Noble, and he wondered if the author was his old man. He saw the photo on the jacket and he knew. When he read a reference to himself in the book it was then that he realized that he had never been forgotten.
The evening was strained but friendly enough that we agreed to meet again the next day in Central Park. Our wives walked behind us as he and I spoke about his work, about mine. His wife said, “Look, they even walk the same way,” and indeed I am told our mannerisms, the way we move our hands when we speak, even our voices are similar.
“Why did you leave?” he asked me suddenly, a question I had expected, but still had some trouble answering. I had come from a dysfunctional family, exiled to boarding schools at a punishingly early age, and instead of going to college, I bolted down to the Brooklyn docks and signed on a merchant ship. I had not been groomed to know much about the obligations of a dad. As Mr. Obama has said, fathers often “abandoned their responsibilities, acting like boys instead of men.”
“I thought of myself as a seaman,” I said. “It was not your mother and it was not you, I just had no sense of responsibility. I just dropped out, sailed away. I’m sorry... You must still be very angry, have a lot of resentment.”
“I got over that years ago,” he said. “Maybe some resentment. You know I don’t need a father now, something I didn’t have; I only wanted to know who you were.”
Late at night in the apartment of my sister, whom he had also not seen since he was a child, he asked other questions. About other marriages, about other children, and I bared all. There was no reason to lie, no reason to hold back. I wanted him to judge me. His condemnation would free me of my new responsibilities. His forgiveness might allow me to try to become the father I never was. It was his call. After my wife had gone to bed, I answered all his questions, in detail. Indeed, he and his wife now know more about me than my own wife, more than any living person. And my son was, on that night, still a stranger.
There must be so many absent fathers, burdened with guilt, regret, defiance and defensiveness, who like me wonder who their sons are now that they are grown men. And if they consider making that first move, they surely speculate about that first meeting: could it be anything but confrontation, his anger, his sorrow, his pain? These things do not always turn out well.
It is too late to pick up where we left off so many years ago and I certainly won’t make the mistake of now acting like a dad. But there is a chance we might at least become friends, even one day feel the love we had for each other when he was a little boy. The relationship is still fragile but we are in contact; I think that we will slowly, cautiously build something lasting. There is some hope. On our last evening together, just before I had to return to Europe, we faced each other awkwardly and then hugged. Not a hail-fellow-well-met hug, but a serious bloodline hug, and I felt for the first time in 27 years something I had forgotten existed.
It looks as if my boy turned out O.K. The credit goes to his mom. He is a sort of a geek working on fiber-optic technology. He’s a good-looking kid and I admire him not only for what he has overcome and become without the benefit of a father, but also for his courage to contact his grateful dad.
John S. Burnett, the author of “Where Soldiers Fear to Tread: A Relief Worker’s Tale of Survival,” runs the Web site ModernPiracy.com.
June 21, 2009
Son Meets Father
By JASON BURNETT
LATE last year, while resting in my hotel room on a business trip to India, I saw my father being interviewed on CNN International; this was the first time I had seen him or heard his voice in 27 years.
The coincidence intrigued me enough to attempt to contact him and after I returned to the States, I spent the next few days trying various combinations of e-mail addresses until I finally hit upon the right one, and received a response. Before I knew it, we had set a date in February to meet. I was about to find myself face to face with a man who was more influential in his absence than he could have been in his presence.
My mother struggled to raise my younger brother and me on her own; in one way or another we always got by without our father. We had what we needed. We went to great schools. We spent the summers with our grandparents. We were good children, relatively speaking. My mother always let me think I was the man of the house, but everyone else knew differently. When I was asked by a guest if I was the “man of the house” my brother piped up and said, “The man of this house is a woman.” She was and she was all we had, and my brother and I knew it. And though she did what she could to make up for the absence of a father, for me, the absence was inescapable.
As a child, I waited for my father to contact me; as a teenager, I realized it wasn’t going to happen. So as an adult I wanted closure. I wasn’t interested in retribution or making him feel sorry for leaving because somehow I knew he wasn’t sorry at all.
I knew as well that I was not in search of a “Father” or seeking advice or absolution. I surely didn’t expect him to fall to his knees and beg for forgiveness at the sight of his long-slighted son. Nor did I expect him to act any differently than he did.
As the date for our meeting neared, I tried to remember the endless list of questions that, as a boy, I promised myself I would ask him if I ever had the chance. But the truth was that the answers to these questions weren’t important to me anymore. I had either answered them for myself or asked them of others.
I realized, though, that I wanted to find the man — not the mythical figure my father had become over the years. I had heard so many fantastic stories and I didn’t know what to believe: tales of sailing solo across oceans, thwarting a band of pirates aboard his small boat in the Strait of Malacca, doing relief work in Somalia, writing a screenplay for David Bowie. I needed to know who this guy really was.
We met in a hotel lobby. After we dispatched with the initial pleasantries, we headed straight for the bar. Over drinks and dinner, we nervously chatted about the past 27 years. The conversation focused on the superficial similarities that a father and son might share. Still, the mundane chitchat, which most fathers and sons must take for granted, was, in hindsight, what I really wanted.
And so it went for the weekend. I asked questions, he answered. I listened to him talk about previous marriages and relationships, other children he’d fathered, his feelings for my mother — things he wasn’t very comfortable talking about. I began to see the mythical character as a man. I learned that he is as fragile as he was powerful in a young son’s eyes. Toward the end he asked if I would call him Dad; I cannot. But now that I know more about him, we can move forward.
I am still digesting our reunion and will be for quite some time. While he is no longer this mythical figure in my life, he is who he is and I am who I am, partly because of his absence. Already, though, I feel relieved and free to move forward.
I have always wanted to be a father and a husband. I want to be there for those who count on me and I want to be counted on. I have made a good life for myself in the suburbs of Washington. I am married and still very close to my brother and our mother. While I am hopeful that my new relationship with my father is a lasting one, I learned the closure that I needed comes from relationships that I had all along.
July 3, 2009
Tales of Republicans, Bonobos and Adultery
By EDUARDO PORTER
You’d think the family values branch of the Republican Party would have this down pat: Americans disapprove of adultery. They disapprove of it so much that they rank philandering as less morally acceptable than the death penalty, cloning humans or suicide.
A Gallup poll of 1,015 adults nationwide — conducted in May just before we were treated to the saucier details of the lives of South Carolina’s Republican governor and Nevada’s Republican senator — found that 92 percent of Americans think it is morally wrong for a married man or woman to have a fling.
Just as many said it is morally O.K. to condemn criminals to death. And the opprobrium doesn’t merely reflect a fleeting new impulse to protect marriage. In the last decade, adultery’s approval rating has never risen above 9 percent.
Sex between nonmarried straights was considered morally acceptable by 57 percent of those polled. Gay sex had an approval rating of 47 percent. Another poll conducted by the Pew Research Center three years ago found that Americans considered adultery worse than abortion, smoking marijuana or cheating on taxes.
It is hard not to be bemused by the contrast between the straight-and-narrow political persona of Gov. Mark Sanford of South Carolina and his messy, steamy circumstances. Still, I am somewhat perplexed by the surprise and the outrage over a transgression that has been around forever.
We all have heard the Kinsey statistics: half of married men reported having an extramarital affair at some time during their marriage; a quarter of married women had an affair by the time they were 40. Even if we account for men’s propensity to brag, there is still a lot of illicit sex going on.
So it is curious how American society arrived at its current moral positions.
It’s been nearly 40 years since the biologist Robert Trivers posited that the evolutionary imperative to maximize offspring would lead to mostly promiscuous males and nonpromiscuous females. Because males only invest a small amount of sperm in reproduction, philandering increases their reproductive success. Females, who invest much more time and energy in each offspring, would prefer one high-quality mate.
But females could be unfaithful, too, if it improved their chances to pass on their genes. Female bonobo chimpanzees have sex with dozens of males to obscure the paternity of offspring and thus stop males from killing infants to get their mothers to stop breastfeeding and become fertile again.
Human strategies have responded to similar considerations of reproductive success. Polygamy stretches back at least thousands of years to the Babylonian empire, not only because powerful men wanted as many women as they could afford and could impose their will on. Even when women had a choice, it could make more sense for them to be the second wife of a rich man than the first wife of a poor one.
The anthropologist Laura Betzig is quoted as saying, “Which woman would not rather be John Kennedy’s third wife than Bozo the Clown’s first?”
Today, studies have found that men still prefer young, healthy women who can produce healthy babies, while women prefer wealthy men who can contribute resources to rear them. But while polygamy is still practiced in parts of Africa and the Middle East, the industrial West is uniformly monogamous. Philandering remains as a vestigial appendage, a counterproductive urge that can end marriages and political careers.
Some suggest the end of polygamy came through the empowerment of women. Others think it was outlawed by Christianity. But the church condoned the practice among the European nobility for centuries. And the women’s movement was too recent. The waning of polygamy did not spell the end of patriarchal societies. A more plausible explanation is the opposition of less fortunate men that were left out of the mating game. It was not about the sex. It was about the inequality.
I’m not sure that fuels the outrage with philandering politicians. I do know that only one behavior came close to the disapproval of adultery in the Gallup poll. Polygamy — deemed wrong by 91 percent of Americans.
Growing population is not to be feared
By Andrea Mrozek,
For The Calgary HeraldAugust 16, 2009
When World Population Day came and went on July 11, it was with the usual fearmongering about there being too many people.
But, this accepted view --the fear of people falling off the globe--is not true. Underpopulation is in fact likely the more pressing problem in our future, not merely in rich industrialized countries, but everywhere. This sounds so foreign as to be false, which is evidence of the success of modern Malthusians, who believe the world's societal ills could be staved off if only there were fewer people.
Enter Demographic Bomb, released July 1, a documentary highlighting the history and dangers of population decline. The documentary highlights how even the United Nations is predicting a global population decline by 2050 and questions why it is we simply never hear about it.
The documentary makes, put very simply, two major points.
There are not too many people on this earth, and efforts to control population have often been coercive and anti-democratic, intrusive and dangerous for different cultures that depend entirely on family --and large ones, at that --for well-being. It's the worst of a modern form of colonialism to assert they'd all be happier with 2.1 kids, a white picket fence and the Saturday edition of the New York Times.
But for cynics about that, perhaps the second point is more critical: Even if the population did "explode" --why are people the problem?
The movie cites experts who show demographic decline is not associated with economic well-being. The past century has seen the largest population growth in global history, yet simultaneously, the standard of living has risen and life expectancies have increased as well.
A growing population is associated with economic well-being, points out Gary Becker, the 1992 winner of the Nobel Prize for economics. "Adam Smith wrote," he says, citing the renowned economist, "that prosperity is associated with growing populations and [depression] is associated with declining populations."
Matthew Connelly, author of Fatal Misconception, a book about attempts to control the global population, adds Malthus was wrong in his predictions of mass starvation due to a rising population because people don't merely suck life out of the planet. "The reason [Malthus] was wrong," he says, "was because every new person brings not just a mouth to feed but also two hands to help." Across the globe today, abject poverty is highly correlated with bad government, not "too many people."
Still, Malthus has a long shadow. When Paul Ehrlich wrote Population Bomb in 1968 he again predicted mass starvation. That this prediction did not come true has not put the kibosh on overpopulation talk.
Still, Malthus, Ehrlich, even Margaret Sanger, the founding godmother of Planned Parenthood and a proponent of improvement of the human race by ensuring undesirable populations are not born--none of this would be enough if individuals had not also privately wanted fewer children. In developed nations, the fear of overpopulation fed into private decisions. Says Jennifer Roback Morse, formerly a professor of economics at Yale University, "[t]he zero population growth movement would not have gotten off the ground except that people had a personal interest in wanting to control their own fertility in the first place. It gave them a rationalization for having sex without having babies." Birth rates fell, as did marriage rates. Sex without the corresponding responsibility of children has always sounded like a good idea: Now it would be a moral mandate to save the planet.
UN graphs reveal a prediction of a declining global population by 2050. The graphs show the prediction for the zero to age 14 category fall slightly off, while the older age ranges increase, likely due to the fact people today live longer. Indeed, another demographer, Nicholas Eberstadt, points out why it may appear that we have a "population explosion" today. "The reason the world has experienced a population explosion over the last century is not because human beings started breeding like rabbits," he says in the film. "It's because they finally stopped dying like flies."
Demographic Bomb has numerous shortcomings, not the least of which is the narrator's unnecessary alarmism--even the basic facts are put forward with conspiratorial overtones, making her into a caricature of those who worry about demographic implosion. Some valid questions also go unanswered. Yes, the developing world is in population free fall, but does this necessarily imply long-term recession? Is it not largely public pensions and state-run social security that will go bankrupt? Do we not perpetuate population decline by the very existence of socialized programs? (Who needs to have a family in old age when pensions are generous and health care is free?)
Still, taking this topic on is no small feat. There is a nefarious history to population and fertility control --coercion and eugenics. Then there are the better intentioned efforts to bring about a higher quality of life for everyone. But as Connelly writes in his history of population control, "when people set out to save the world, the devil is in the details."
The devil, as it turns out, is also in the overarching world view. Are people a burden or a promise?
Modern, developed nations have already decided. It's a question of whether we care enough to change the prevailing zeitgeist for places where the trend can still be changed.
Andrea mrozek is the manager of research at the institute of marriage and family Canada. iMFCanada.org
The broken mommy track caused by myth
By Susan Martinuk, Calgary Herald
September 25, 2009
Tick tock. Tick tock. Like a Timex watch, that ol' biological clock just keeps on ticking and ticking. Loudly. But a just released Statistics Canada report on fertility suggests that growing numbers of Canadian women are determined to ignore the noise. They're postponing childbirth and that reduces their babymaking chances by pushing the limits of Mother Nature and medical technology.
The good news is Canadian women are having more babies. The number of births increased each year from 2003-2007 and, according to some, this upward trend suggests we may be in the midst of a "mini-baby-boom."
However, to keep this in perspective, our national birth rate remains a meagre 1.66 -- well below the rate of 2.1 that is needed replace our population and prevent all sorts of social and economic chaos.
The bad news is, in 2006 and 2007, a majority of these babies were born to women between the ages of 30 and 34.
That's a marked upward shift from a decade ago when the highest fertility rates were found in women aged 25 to 29. Before that, women having the most babies were under 24. You can see the trend, and it's not a good one if the goal is reproductive success.
Most women over 30 have chosen to establish themselves in their career prior to hitting the Mommy Track. This makes for more mature, responsible parenting, but it's hardly a foolproof plan for having a baby.
A woman's chances of reproductive success (given that all body parts are working well) drop from a maximum of 22 per cent at 25 to 15 per cent at 35, and 7.5 per cent at 40.
Clearly, the odds of winning the babymaking gamble greatly diminish with age.
Almost unbelievably, even the brightest, highly-educated and ultra successful women are still surprised by this. A groundbreaking 2001 survey by economist Sylvia Ann Hewlett showed that, at mid-life, 33 to 50 per cent of high-achieving women in the United States and 49 per cent per cent of corporate ultra-achievers (who make more than $100,000 per year) are childless. For the majority, it's not by choice.
Many of them believed they had plenty of time to have a baby. Fully 90 per cent were confident (wrongly) that they could have a biological child when they were well into their 40s -- even if it meant spending tens of thousands of dollars and subjecting themselves to complex medical procedures and reproductive technologies. But, by that age, it's often too late.
Other surveys suggest that women make a conscious choice to put career first. A 2004 survey by Carleton University's Sprott School of Business showed that 28 per cent of professional women had no children and another third had just one child. The majority indicated they had made a decision to limit family size so they could focus on their careers.
What happened? How is it that we've raised generations of women who think that they can put off childbearing until a time in life that is convenient for them -- and still beat the biological limits of reproduction?
Part of the problem is the mistaken messages that society has fed women.
Since the advent of reliable birth control, feminists and society have led women to believe that they can have it all. By controlling when, or if, they had a child, women could essentially slot in time periods for obtaining an education, having a career, getting married and giving birth.
But we now know that increasing maternal age and long-term use of the birth control pill both act to diminish the chances of conception. In other words, control over contraception doesn't mean that women have control over the time of conception.
One woman, writing in an infertility magazine, says society and feminist ideology encouraged her to believe that using birth control and pursuing a career was "a way to improve women's place in society." But following "a lifestyle that has been promoted and supported by our societal institutions" only left her infertile.
The idea that women can have it all isn't a myth. Women can get an education, have a career and have a child -- they just can't wait until their late 30s to do so. The real myth is that women can have it all at the time of their own choosing, and the present statistics suggest that women are still buying into that lie.
By Bradley Bouzane, Canwest News ServiceOctober 2, 2009
O ne hundred candles on a birthday cake may eventually become a more common sight, according to a Danish study that suggests more than half of babies born in wealthy nations since 2000 could become centenarians.
The study, released Thursday by the University of Southern Denmark's Aging Research Center, says mortality trends suggest more longevity and decreased disability could be experienced by the latest generation of children as they age.
"We are not only living longer than before, but those extra years are spent with less disability and fewer limitations on daily life than in the past," said a news release from the university. "Furthermore, preliminary evidence suggests shortened working weeks over extended working lives might further extend increases in life expectancy and health."
The study looked at Canada and seven other nations: the United States, Japan, Denmark, France, Germany, Italy and the U. K.
In Canada, for example, the study says children born in 2007 could live as old as 104 years. The oldest estimate for those born in 2007 was found in Japan, where people could live to be as old as 107.
Statistics Canada reported that between 2000 and 2002, average life expectancy for Canadians was 77 years for males and 82 years for females.
By contrast, based on figures from 1920 through 1922, the average Canadian life expectancy was 59 years for men and 61 years for women.
The study notes the huge increase in mortality rates over the course of the previous century, with some nations recording jumps of more than 30 years.
In addition to the extended life periods, the Danish study says because of a projected higher quality of life, three-quarters of newborns could live to enjoy their 75th birthday.
"Most evidence for people younger than 85 years suggests postponement of limitations and disabilities, despite an increase in chronic diseases and conditions," reads the university release about the study. "This apparent contradiction is at least partly accounted for by early diagnosis, improved treatment, and amelioration of prevalent diseases so that they are less disabling. People younger than 85 years are living longer and, on the whole, are able to manage their daily activities for longer."
Last week, The Washington Post ran a front-page story that said most stay-at-home moms aren’t S.U.V.-driving, daily yoga-doing, latte-drinking white, upper-middle-class women who choose to leave their high-powered careers to answer the call to motherhood. Instead, they are disproportionately low-income, non-college educated, young and Hispanic or foreign-born; in other words, they are women whose horizons are greatly limited and for whom the cost of child care, very often, makes work not a workable choice at all.
These findings, drawn from a new report by the Census Bureau, really ought to lead us to reframe our public conversations about who mothers are and why they do what they do. It should lead us away from all the moralistic bombast about mothers’ “choices” and “priorities.” It should get us thinking less about choice, in fact, and make us focus more on contingencies — the objective conditions that drive women’s lives. And they should propel us to think about the choices that we as a society must make to guarantee that the best possible opportunities are available for all families.
The basic finding of this latest report — that the more choices mothers have, the more likely they are to work — has been known, to anyone who’s taken the time to seriously look into the issue, for quite some time now. Ever since 2003, when Lisa Belkin’s article in The Times Magazine about highly privileged and ultra-high-achieving moms — “The Opt-Out Revolution” — was generalized by the news media to claim that mothers overall were choosing to leave the work force in droves, researchers have been revisiting the state of mothers’ employment and reaching very similar conclusions.
In 2005, the Motherhood Project at the Institute for American Values surveyed more than 2,000 women and published a report that said most mothers, given free choice in an ideal world, would choose to be employed — provided their employment didn’t impinge excessively on their time with their kids. Approximately two-thirds said they’d ideally work part-time or from home; only 16 percent said they’d prefer to work full-time. (Interestingly, the researchers said, it was the least-educated mothers who expressed the strongest preference for full-time work.)
In 2007, the sociologists David Cotter, Paula England and Joan Hermsen looked carefully at four decades of employment data and found that women with choices — those with college educations — were overwhelmingly choosing to stay in the work force. The only women “opting out” in any significant numbers were the very richest — those with husbands earning more than $125,000 a year — and the very poorest — those with husbands earning less than $23,400 a year.
You might say that the movement of the richest women out of the workforce proves that women will, in the best of all possible worlds, go home. But these women often have husbands who, in order to earn those top salaries, work 70 or 80 hours a week and travel extensively; someone has to be home. Many left high-powered careers that made similar demands on their time. They are privileged, it’s true, but very often they have also been cornered by the all-or-nothing non-choices of our workplaces.
The alternative narrative — of constricted horizons, not choice — that might have emerged from recent research has never really made it into the mainstream. It just can’t, it seems, find a foothold.
“The reason we keep getting this narrative is that there is this deep cultural ambivalence about mothers’ employment,” England told me this week. “On the one hand, people believe women should have equal opportunities, but on the other hand, we don’t envision men taking on more child care and housework and, unlike Europe, we don’t seem to be able to envision family-friendly work policies.”
Why this matters — and why opening this topic up for discussion is important — is very clear: because our public policy continues to rest upon a fictitious idea, eternally recycled in the media, of mothers’ free choices, and not upon the constraints that truly drive their behavior. “If journalism repeatedly frames the wrong problem, then the folks who make public policy may very well deliver the wrong solution,” is how E. J. Graff, the associate director and senior researcher at Brandeis University’s Schuster Institute for Investigative Journalism once put it in the Columbia Journalism Review. “If women are happily choosing to stay home with their babies, that’s a private decision. But … [i]t’s a public policy issue if schools, jobs and other American institutions are structured in ways that make it frustratingly difficult, and sometimes impossible, for parents to manage both their jobs and family responsibilities.”
It looked, not so long ago, as though things were going to change. Barack Obama made increasing women’s work/life choices and providing more supports for working families a cornerstone of his campaign. All those lofty ideals, though, seem to have been forgotten in the realities of this recession, where plans to expand universal pre-K, paid family leave and subsidies for child care have gone the way of state budget revenues. Even workfare, The Times reported this week, is being scrapped in California in favor of old-style no-work welfare, because it’s been deemed too costly to give poor mothers job skills while providing decent child care.
In Fresno County, one of the first places in California where welfare recipients are being told about the policy change, which is voluntary for now, the new regulations aren’t being viewed as good news.
“Especially when you have kids, you can’t just sit around and collect checks,” one mother told The Times. For now, 90 percent of beneficiaries in Fresno County are choosing to keep working and receiving child care subsidies.
When mothers can choose, they choose self-empowerment. Because they know that there is no true difference between their advancement and the advancement of their children. Why do we so enduringly deny them the dignity of choice?
Judith Warner's book, "Perfect Madness: Motherhood in the Age of Anxiety", a New York Times best-seller, was published in February 2005. "Domestic Disturbances" appears every Friday.
A homecoming dance at a California high school took a horrific turn last Saturday night when a 15-year-old student was gang-raped and beaten. For two-and-a-half hours.
My editors will tell me to write "allegedly" prior to gang-raped and beaten, but that's a difficult word to use when police estimate at least 10 people participated in the attack and more than 20 stood back and enjoyed the show. The lengthy attack gave students ample time to invite others to the spectacle--to watch, participate, share a few laughs and record the event on cellphones.
Sadly, not one of them bothered to help the victim or call the police. At the end, the crowd walked away as if nothing had happened, leaving her unconscious and under a bench.
Perhaps this is the "rape-rape" that Whoopi Goldberg alluded to last month as she discussed director Roman Polanski's rape of a 13-year-old girl. She didn't know how to describe what happened, but told the audience she was quite sure that it wasn't "rape-rape." If anything is "rape-rape," it has to be this.
So far, five young men have been arrested. One policeman summed up his-- and the public's--reaction by saying, "These suspects are monsters, and I don't understand how this many people capable of such atrocious behaviour could be in one place at one time."
As the most brutal teen crime to have surfaced in some time, it's led to a great deal of introspection and conversation about what the hell is wrong with these kids.
Most point to "the bystander effect," a sociological theory found in every first-year psyche text. It essentially states that people are less likely to get involved or assist someone in need when they are part of a larger group of people. On a practical note, that means, when victimized, it's best to pray for one good Samaritan to come by--not 10.
The term stems from an infamous incident in 1964 New York, where apathetic neighbours watched as a woman named Kitty Genovese was raped and murdered. As an explanation, one witness simply said, "I didn't want to be involved."
In the best case scenario, we might believe that people shirk from involvement because they assume that someone else will take responsibility. But the crowd's response in the California rape case demonstrates the absolute worst-case scenario-- where people are so desensitized to violence that they don't even care about the victimization of a fellow human being.
This might be explained by experts who say some children are so conditioned to violence in their own lives or homes that it's accepted as normal behaviour. They don't act because they're desensitized to the pain and suffering of others.
It could also be that an overdose of violent video games and television has desensitized some people to the point where they no longer have an accurate perception of reality.
Several years ago, nurses at an American conference spoke about their most frightening experiences in the ER. One talked about a youth who came in with a gunshot and was absolutely astounded that he was in pain and that bullets hurt! After all, they didn't seem to hurt the people in video games or on TV.
A commonly quoted statistic says the average American child watches 100,000 acts of televised violence, including 8,000 depictions of murder, by the time he/she finishes Grade 6. A study just released by the Parents Television Council suggests much of that violence is against women. Violent incidents against teen girls on television increased 400 per cent since 2004. Beatings were the most frequently depicted forms of violence, followed by violent threats, shooting, rape, stabbing and torture. The mind of a child is a sponge; that's a lot for kids to soak up by the age of 11.
Studies on the mental health and well-being of Ontario children (OSDUS, 1991-2005) show that, for whatever reason, Canadian kids are similarly conditioned to violence. Statistics (on students from Grades 7 to 12) show that 12 per cent assaulted someone during the past year, while 10 per cent carried a weapon such as a knife or gun and six per cent participated in gang fighting. Do you think any of these nice Canadian kids would have stepped up to assist the California rape victim?
When it comes to rape, another culprit is society's refusal to provide sexual boundaries for teens. In 1993, California police laid rape charges against members of a high school athletic clique called the Spur Posse. Members received a point each time they had sex with a different girl; the highest scorer had 66 points. A 17-year-old who was arrested passed the blame, saying, "They pass out condoms, teach sex education and pregnancy-this and pregnancy-that. But they don't teach us any rules."
All of these messages tell kids that violence and sex have no consequences. In the undeveloped and unconstrained minds of immature teens, it can become a lethal combination that leads straight to social depravity.
November 3, 2009
Cellphones, Texts and Lovers
By DAVID BROOKS
Since April 2007, New York magazine has posted online sex diaries. People send in personal accounts of their nighttime quests and conquests. Some of the diaries are unusual and sad. There’s a laid-off banker who drinks herself into oblivion and wakes up in the beds of unfamiliar men. There’s an African-American securities trader who flies around the country on weekends to meet with couples seeking interracial sex. (He meets one Midwestern couple at a T.G.I. Friday’s.)
But the most interesting part of the diaries concerns the way cellphones have influenced courtship. On nights when they are out, the diarists are often texting multiple possible partners in search of the best arrangement.
As the journalist Wesley Yang notes in a very intelligent analysis in the magazine, the diarists “use their cellphones to disaggregate, slice up, and repackage their emotional and physical needs, servicing each with a different partner, and hoping to come out ahead.”
Often the diarists will be on the verge of spending the evening with one partner, when a text arrives from another with a potentially better offer. To guard against not being chosen at all, Yang writes, “everyone is on somebody’s back-burner, and everybody has a back-burner of their own, which they maintain with open-ended texts.”
The atmosphere is fluid, like an eBay auction. This leads to a series of marketing strategies. You don’t want to appear too enthusiastic. You want to invent detached nicknames for partners. “Make plans to spend day with the One Who Cries,” a paralegal, 26, from the East Village writes. You want to appear bulletproof as you move confidently through the transactions. “I have a Stage Five Clinger on my hands,” a TV producer writes. “He asks me to hang out again this coming Sunday. I do not respond.”
People who send in sex diaries to a magazine are not representative of average Americans. But the interplay between technology and hook-ups will be familiar to a wide swath of young Americans. It illustrates an interesting roadblock in the country’s social evolution.
Once upon a time — in what we might think of as the “Happy Days” era — courtship was governed by a set of guardrails. Potential partners generally met within the context of larger social institutions: neighborhoods, schools, workplaces and families. There were certain accepted social scripts. The purpose of these scripts — dating, going steady, delaying sex — was to guide young people on the path from short-term desire to long-term commitment.
Over the past few decades, these social scripts became obsolete. They didn’t fit the post-feminist era. So the search was on for more enlightened courtship rules. You would expect a dynamic society to come up with appropriate scripts. But technology has made this extremely difficult. Etiquette is all about obstacles and restraint. But technology, especially cellphone and texting technology, dissolves obstacles. Suitors now contact each other in an instantaneous, frictionless sphere separated from larger social institutions and commitments.
People are thus thrown back on themselves. They are free agents in a competitive arena marked by ambiguous relationships. Social life comes to resemble economics, with people enmeshed in blizzards of supply and demand signals amidst a universe of potential partners.
The opportunity to contact many people at once seems to encourage compartmentalization, as people try to establish different kinds of romantic attachments with different people at the same time.
It seems to encourage an attitude of contingency. If you have several options perpetually before you, and if technology makes it easier to jump from one option to another, you will naturally adopt the mentality of a comparison shopper.
It also seems to encourage an atmosphere of general disenchantment. Across the centuries the moral systems from medieval chivalry to Bruce Springsteen love anthems have worked the same basic way. They take immediate selfish interests and enmesh them within transcendent, spiritual meanings. Love becomes a holy cause, an act of self-sacrifice and selfless commitment.
But texting and the utilitarian mind-set are naturally corrosive toward poetry and imagination. A coat of ironic detachment is required for anyone who hopes to withstand the brutal feedback of the marketplace. In today’s world, the choice of a Prius can be a more sanctified act than the choice of an erotic partner.
This does not mean that young people today are worse or shallower than young people in the past. It does mean they get less help. People once lived within a pattern of being, which educated the emotions, guided the temporary toward the permanent and linked everyday urges to higher things. The accumulated wisdom of the community steered couples as they tried to earn each other’s commitment.
Today there are fewer norms that guide in that way. Today’s technology seems to threaten the sort of recurring and stable reciprocity that is the building block of trust.
Bad divorces can haunt children: study
By Shannon Proudfoot, Canwest News Service
November 20, 2009
The persistently cited statistic that half of all marriages end in divorce stems from misunderstanding of how divorce rates are calculated and the dominance of American figures from the 1980sFewer marriages in Canada are ending in divorce than is commonly thought, but the effects of the split can affect every member of the family, a new report indicates.
The popular notion that half of all marriages fail is not true, according to the report released Thursday by the Vanier Institute of the Family. But there is also no sign Canadian divorce rates will drop in the future.
"What we're not talking about is the impact of parent conflict after the divorce and while they're separated," says Anne-Marie Ambert, an emeritus sociology professor at Toronto's York University and author of the report.
"It's what happens after--when the parents bicker over everything, over every cent, over every visit, and the kids are placed in the middle of that -- that is bound to be very bad."
Most children of divorce do not experience severe developmental problems, she emphasizes, but they are at increased risk for depression, anxiety, behavioural problems, receiving bad grades or leaving school earlier, becoming young offenders or experiencing their own relationship problems down the road.
The latest estimates from Statistics Canada in 2008 suggest 38 per cent of married couples in Canada will divorce by their 30th wedding anniversary (divorce beyond that point is rare).The percentages range from 22 per cent in Newfoundland and Labrador to 48 per cent in Quebec.
In the U.S., the figure is 44 per cent.
The persistently cited statistic that half of all marriages end in divorce stems from a misunderstanding of how divorce rates are calculated and the dominance of American figures from the 1980s, when divorces peaked and half of all marriages in the U.S. did end, Ambert says.
When divorce rates peaked in Canada in 1987, there were 362 divorces per 100,000 population. That number now sits at 221 divorces per 100,000 people.
The average marriage that ended in divorce in 2005 lasted 14.5 years, or 1.7 years longer than a decade ago.
November 22, 2009
Who Knew I Was Not the Father?
By RUTH PADAWER
It was in July 2007 when Mike L. asked the Pennsylvania courts to declare that he was no longer the father of his daughter. For four years, Mike had known that the girl he had rocked to sleep and danced with across the living-room floor was not, as they say, “his.” The revelation from a DNA test was devastating and prompted him to leave his wife — but he had not renounced their child. He continued to feel that in all the ways that mattered, she was still his daughter, and he faithfully paid her child support. It was only when he learned that his ex-wife was about to marry the man who she said actually was the girl’s biological father that Mike flipped. Supporting another man’s child suddenly became unbearable.
Two years after filing the suit that sought to end his paternal rights, Mike is still irate about the fix he’s in. “I pay child support to a biologically intact family,” Mike told me, his voice cracking with incredulity. “A father and mother, married, who live with their own child. And I pay support for that child. How ridiculous is that?”
Yet despite his indignation — and despite his court filings seeking to end his obligations as a father — Mike loves his daughter. Every other weekend, the 11-year-old girl, L., lives in Mike’s house in a quiet suburban neighborhood in Western Pennsylvania. Her bedroom there is decorated to reflect her current passion: there’s a soccer bedspread, soccer curtains and a soccer-ball night light. On her bed is an Everybody Loves Me pillow covered with transparent sleeves filled with photos of her and Mike, the man she calls “Daddy,” canoeing, fishing and sledding together.
As the two of them prepared breakfast together one Saturday in June, just after L. finished fifth grade, Mike sang a little ditty about how she was his favorite daughter. A few minutes later, when he noticed L. sneaking a piece of raw biscuit dough, he poked her. She looked at him impishly until they both giggled.
“Just because our relationship started because of someone else’s lie,” he said later, “doesn’t mean the bond that developed isn’t real.” Still, his love became entangled with humiliation and outrage, and each child-support payment stung so much that he felt compelled to take a stand on principle. In doing so, he also took the small but terrifying risk of losing his child.
Mike’s conundrum is increasingly playing out in courts across the country, a result of political, social and technological shifts. Stricter federal rules have pressed states to chase down fathers and hold them responsible for children born outside of marriage, a category that includes 40 percent of all births. At the same time, DNA tests have become easier, cheaper and more reliable. Swiping a few cheek cells and paying a couple hundred dollars can answer the question that has plagued men since the dawn of time: Am I really the father?
W omen are working and earning more than ever before, and more of them are taking on the role of family breadwinner, several recent reports show.
The gradual trend was accelerated by the economic crisis that hit hardest in such male-dominated industries as manufacturing over the last year, but experts say it's likely to shift things permanently.
"I think there is evidence that there's some profound changes underway that are having all sorts of implications for family life," says Clarence Lochhead, executive director of the Vanier Institute of the Family.
The catalyst was more education for women, he says, and at the same time, the male-dominated industrial workplace transformed into a knowledge economy. As women moved into the workforce, men have taken on more at home, he says, but women still shoulder most of the responsibility and that gap needs to narrow if families are going to rely on both partners for income.
"It's a negotiated, contested and sometimes difficult terrain to walk but I think there are families doing it every day," Lochhead says.
A Statistics Canada report released earlier this year found that 18 per cent of women are now their families' primary breadwinners in terms of hourly earnings, bringing in 55 per cent or more of the household income. That's up from 14 per cent in 1997.At the same time, the proportion of women earning approximately the same as their husbands has climbed from 37 per cent to 42 per cent.
"The roles of men and women are converging in the sense that men are doing more housework relative to their wives and wives are doing more paid work relative to husbands," says Katherine Marshall, a senior analyst with Statistics Canada.
But Kathleen Lahey, a law professor at Queen's University in Kingston, Ont., says women's financial gains have stagnated in recent years and Canada has slipped badly in international rankings of gender income equity. Women are being treated as a "reserve labour force," she says, and there's significant inequality at home and in the workplace lurking beneath the numbers.
"We're literally going backwards in time," she says. "I haven't figured out what year we're actually back to, but we're definitely no better than the mid-1980s in terms of the equality of women in Canada."
In the U.S., 26 per cent of women out-earned their employed husbands as of 2007, according to the Bureau of Labor Statistics, up from 18 per cent in 1987.When families where the husband isn't working are included, it's 34 per cent.
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