1. Sec Bernard Lewis, The Origins of Isma'ilism, pp. 71ff. Cambridge: 1940.
2. A hujja is one of the functionaries that assist the Imam in spreading his message.
3. Ja'far IbnMansur al-Yaman, al-Fara'ùJ wa Hudud al-Din, quoted in Husayn F. al-Ham- dani's On the Genealogy ofthe Fatimid Caliphs, p. 12. Cairo: 1958.
4. S.M. Stem, "Heterodox Isma'ilism at the time of al-Mu'izz," BSOAS, vol. 17 (1955), p. 12 and appendix l (3), p. 27.
5. H.F. al-Hamdani, op. cit. pp. 15-16.
6. For the text of this letter and its English translation see S.M. Stem, op. cit., pp. 26-27 and 11-13 respectively.
7. W. Ivanow, Ismaili Literature, p. 21. Tehran: 1963.
8. Thia report waa published together with a careful study and an English translation of rdated passages by Dr. Husayn F. al-Hamdani under the title, On the Genealogy of Fatimid Caliphs. American University at Cairo, School of Oriental Studies, Cairo: 1958. Dr. al-Hamdani's translation, however, is not used in this paper. Ali passages of this report to which the writer of this paper refers arehis own translation.
9. H.F. al-Hamdani, op. cit., pp. 9-11.
10. geeJ.N. Hollister, Th Shi'a of India, pp. 199 ff. London: 1943.
11. H.F. al-Hamdani, op. cil., Arabic text, p. 10.
12. Ihw., Arabic text, p.l0. Although the name Muqammad is not mentioned in the original text, 1 am inclined to agree with Dr. al-Hamdani in adding this naIne to the text. Ris justification for doing this ia stated on p. 10 of the Arabic part, note 1.
13. Ibid., Arabic text, p. 10.
14. Thia refers to the Imamate.
15. Ibid. The Arabic text on p. II, goes as follows:
16. Ibw., p. 14, line 14.
17. Bernard Lewia op. cit., pp. 44ff.
18. Although these terms were not mentioned in any of the early Ismacili sources which wc know of, it is probable that the early Ismacilis might have been familiar with these two kinds of Imamatc.
19. See bdow, pp. 7-8.
20. This haa been added by the editor, H.F. al-Hamdani.
21. H.F. al-Hamdani, op. cit., Arabic text, p. II.
22. W. Invanow, op. cit., p. 77.
23. W. Ivanow, Rise of the Fatimids, Arabic texts, p. 66.
24. W. Ivanow, lsmaili Literature, p. 51.
25. W. Ivanow, Rise of the Fatimids, Arabic texts, p. 37.
26. Ibid. Arabic texts, p. 66.
27. W. Ivanow, lsmaili Literature, p. 172.
28. A. Tamir (ed.), Khams Rasa:oit lsma'ilîyya. pp. 107, 121.
29. /bU., p. 107.
30. Idris cImâd ad-Dm, Zahr al-Ma'ani in W. Ivanow's Rise of the Fatimids, pp. 248ff. and Arabic texts, pp. 58ff.
31. W. Ivanow, lsmaili Literature, p. 83.
32. I:Iasan ibn NI1l:t, Kitiib al-Azhar in A. al-cAwwa(ed.), Muntakhabiit Ismii'fliyya, pp. 235­ 236.
33. Duca, p. 8. Mombassa: 1963.
34. Ed. by A. Seminov, "Une ode ismaélite dediée aux incarnations de 'AIi-dieu," Iran, vol. 2(1928), p. Il.
35. W. Ivanow, Ismaili Literature, p. 145.
36. cf. M. Ghaleb, A'liim al-Ismii°iliyya, pp. 109,263 and 342. Beirut: 1964.
37. W. Ivanow, lsmaili Literature, p. 39.
38. W. Ivanow (ed.) "Mudhakkiràt fi J:Iarakat al-Mahdi al-Fâpmi (Istitar al-Imam wa Sirat Jacfar al-J:Iajib)," Bulletin of the Facult!l of Arts, Egyptian University ofCairo (1936) (pub- lished in 1939), vol. 4, pt. 2, pp. 89-133. The passage occupies pp. 95-96. It reads:
This passage is translated by W. Ivanow in bis Rise of the Fatimids, pp. 162-163. The translation used in this paper differs in some pointa from that of W. I vanow. The diffe- rences will be pointed out and justified as they occur .
39. The author means to diatinguish between this cAbdalIah (i.e. çAbdallâh ibn Mul:1aInmad ibn Ismâçn) and cAbdaIlih al-Mahdi, the first Fapmid Caliph. The ward "the eIder" (al-akbar) is not an honorific epithet as W. Ivanow tends to believe. (See W. Ivanow, RiSI of the Fatimids, p. 162, note 1.
40. Later the author of Istitiir al-Imam alludes (W. 1 vanow ed.), "Mudhakkirat fi I:Iarakat al-Mahdi al-Fatimi", p. 103) to the fact that al-Mahdi's father, al-I:Iusayn ibn AI)mad was named Mül)anunad (cf. H.F. al-Hamdani, On the Genealogy of Fatimid Caliphs, pp. 13 and 19). He made this allusion while speaking about a slave woman that belonged to al. Mahdi:"The name of the woman was La'b or Lu'ab. She had lived in the court (i.e. of al-Mahdi) for a long time as she used to belong to Shaykh Mul)ammad ibn Al)mad, and after him came in possession of al-Mahdi, peace be on him".
41. Relying onJacfar ibn Man.,Or al- Yaman's report (p.13) which states that Sacid (al-Mahdi) was Imam Mul)ammad ibn Al;1Inad's nephew (cf. above p. 23), 1 am inclined to read the Arabic text (p. 95, line 19) without the comma inserted between the two words, "al- Mahdi" and "Sa"id", in the Arabic text edited by W. Ivanow. Hence 1 tend to disagree with W. Ivanow who translated the passage as follows: "Imam Alo1mad (b. cAbdi ol-Lah) had a son, al-J:Iusayn, who (after bis death) became the Imam; he was the father of al- Mahdi. Imam Alo1mad also had another son, SaÇidu'l Khayr." (W. Ivanow, Rise of the Fatimids, p. 162, line 16-18). Sacid al-Khayr may be the brother (not necessarily the physical brother) of al-Mahdi, rather than his uncle as W. Ivanow thinks and as S.M. Stem: refers to in bis article, "Heterodox Ismacilism at the Time of al-Mucizz," BSOAS, vol. 17 (1955), p. 23, note 1.
42. This probably means the son's brother. See above, p. 12, note 2.
43. This staff about Sa 'id al-Khayr's sons is also alluded to by al-Mucizz (i.e. a generation before the author of Istitiir al-Imiim) in al-Majiilis wal-Musayarat by an-Nucman. (Sec S.M. Stem, op. cil., p. 23 and Appendix II (vii), p. 31). ln his book Shar[l al-Akhbiir, quatre in W. Ivanow's Rise of the Fatimids (Arabic texts, p. 15), an-Nucman also refers briefly to the same staff.
44. While the author of Istitiir al-Imam mentions that SaÇid al-Khayr repented after ail his sons had dire, and realized that the Imamate should only be given to the righûul owner, we sec that al-Mucjzz's attitude towards Sacid al-Khayr is more hostile. Al-Mu'izz says that when all those in whom the office of Imamate had been vested dire, [SaÇid al-Khayr] had no choice but to appoint the rightful owner; "he inevitably installed the righûul owner, as he did not find anyone else." (See an-Nu'man, al-Majiilis wal-musiiyariit, quoted in S.M. Stem, op. cit., Appendix II (vii), p. 31).
45. AlI three sources mentioned above (i.e. al-Majàlis wal-Musàyaràt and Shar[l al-Akhbàr, both by an-NuÇman, and Istitàr al-lmàm) end this story about the rightful owner's finally regaining the Imamate by the following couplet:
(ln Shar[l al-Akhbàr, the word ~~ replaces ~ in the first verse, while in Dr. Stern's edition of the passage of al-Majàlis wal-Musàyaràt the ward .!;.1:..., in the second verse, is omitted). The translation of these verses may be rendered as follows: God bas given fOU that which nothing is superior to. How many times they have desired to prevent and distract it From fou. But God refuses to band it over to foU until they adomed foU with it. The fact that the author of Istitàr al-lmàm mentions these two verses one generation after an-Nucmân means either hc had read an-Nu"mân's two works mentioned above, or that the two verses were known at his time, or he had taken them from other sources. Be it as it may the fact that he mentions them suggests that the author of Istitàr al-lmàm disagrees with an-Nu"mân and, consequently, with al-Mu'izz (an-Nu.;man quotes al-MuÇizz) in their attitude towards Sacid al-Khayr (known as al-Mahdi), the founder of the Fatimid dynasty. The unfriendly attitude of al-Muçizz and an-Nuçmân towards Sa'id al-Khayr was apparently only disclosed to close circles, since there is no othcr refercncc that we know of, to this attitude, and because Sa'id al-Khayr is not mentioned by Dame. The author of htitàr al-lmàlll could easily have held an attitude different from this officiaI but secret one. There are several examples of beliefs that contradict the officiaI doctrine on serious or/and secondary matters. A careful study of some of these doctrines can be found in the above mentioned article of S.M. Stern, "Heterodox Ismacilism at the Time ofal-MuÇizz,"BSOAS, vol. 17 (1955),pp.lOff.
46. H.F. al-Hamdani, op. cit., Arabic text, p. Il.
47. Ibid., arabic text, p. Il.
48. Ibid., arabic text, p. Il.
49. S.M. Stern, op. cit., pp. 11-12. For the whole Arabic text ofthis document and its English translation see ibid., pp. 26-27, and pp. 11-13 respectively.Back
50. Silvestre de Sacy, Exposé de la religion des Druzes, vol. l, p. 33. Paris: 1838.
51. Ms. Bibliothèque Nationale, Paris-Fonds Arabes, 1415, foIs. 118ff. A French translation of the related passages can be seen in S. de Sacy, Exposé, vol. 1, pp.301f. (in particular pp. 34-38).
52. He is considered by the Druzes to be the son of Imam Mui)ammad ibn Ismacil ibn Jacfar, hence he may be identified with 'Abdallah ibn Mui)ammad ofJacfar's report. (See Chart).
53. Silvestre de Sacy seems to mix this Mui;lammad ibn Ismacil with Mui;lammad ibn Ismacil ibn Jacfar. ln fact, the former is the latter's grandson.
54. The Druze epistle T aqsim al-çUlüm, states that he is from the race of Maymûn al-Qaddâi;l.
55. T aqsim al-~Ulüm also states that Mu1;lammad ibn cAbdallah is from the race of al-Qaddâi;l. It adds, "and he was from the race of al-1:iusayn." By al-1:iusayn, the Druze manuscript may possibly mean the third hidden Imam Mu1;lammad ibn Ai;lmad who was also known as al-1:iusayn (see above, pp. 25 and 27, and note 1 on p. 7.
56. He is also of the race of Maymün al-Qaddâ1;l, gays T aqsim al-cUlüm.
57. lbid.
58. See above, p. 29, note 3.
59. Ibn an-Nadim, al-Fihrist, vol. 1, p. 189. Leipzig: 1871. Mentioned in S.M. Stern, op. cil., p. 21, note 1.
60. See above, pp. 23 and 27.
61. Mu1}aInmad ibn Malik al-Hammadi, Kashf Asrar al-Bii!iniyya wa Akhbiir al-Qaramifa, pp. 17ff. Ed. by M. al-Kawthari. Cairo: 1939. As Taqsïm al-cUlüm was written in 411 A.H., it must necessarily have mentioned this theory before Mu1;lammad ibn Malik, contrary to what Bernard Lewis bas said in his Origins of lsmacilism, namely, "The earliest mention of this theory occun in the tract of Mui;lammad ibn Malik." (B. Lewis, The Origins of IsmQ~îlism, p. 67. Cambridge; 1940).
62. The Ismacilis, as weIl as the Druzes, believe that the knowledge of the unit y of God (Cilm al-tawbïJ) was conveyed to man in graduaI stages or cycles (adwiir, pl. of dawr).
63. A manuscript in my possession, fois. 235 if.
64. See above, p. 30.
65. S.N. Makarem, ash-Shafiya, an Ismacili Poem Attrihuted to Shihah ad-Din Abü Firâs, p. 154. Beirut: 1966.
66. This refers to Mui.lammad ibn Ismâcil ibn Jaçfar.
67. That is to say either the seventh ofthose who conveyed the knowledge of the Unit y God, i.e. Adam, Noah, Abraham. Moses, Jesus, Mul;iammad and Mui.lammad ibn rsma"il (see S.N. Makarem, op. cit.) or the seventh of the Imams who begin with ÇAli ibn Abi Tâlib.
68. Sec Above, p. 29, notes 2,3, and 4.
69. An-Nucmân, al-Majalis wal-Musayarat, quoted in S.M. Stern, op. cit., Appendix II (vii). n ql
70. See above, pp. 27-28.




The Imams' real naines are given in italics; the names that the Imams are most known by are given in capitalletters, and the letters betwcen parantheses refer to the sources on which this chart is based, namely: Astands for Kitab al-Azhar by J:Iasan ibn Nül.I, in Muntakhabat Ismdciliyya, ed. by 'Adil al-'Awwâ, pp. 181 if. Damascus: 1958.. DStands for Dui'a (a Nizan Isma-ili prayer book). Mombassa: 1963. GStands for Choyat al-Mawalid by al-Khattâb ibn J:Iasan. Excerpts in W. Ivanow's Rise of the Fatimids, Arabic texts, pp. 35if. Oxford: 1942. 1Stands for Istitâr al-Imam a.ttributed to Ai.Imad ibn Ibramm an-Naysabüri, in "Mudhak­ kirat fi l:Iarakat al-Mahdi al-Fatimi," ed. by Ivanow, Bulletin of the Faculty of Arts, Egyp­ tian University, vol. 4, part 2 (1939). JStands for On the Cenealogy of Fatimid CaliPhs by H.F. al-Hamdâni, which includesJacfar ibn Ma~ür al-Yaman's report on al-Mahdi's letter to Yemen. Cairo: 1958. KStands for Kashf Asrar al-Batiniyya by Mul.Iammad ibn Malik al-I;Iammadi, ed. by M. al-Kawthari. Cairo: 1939. MStands for al-Majalis wal-musiiyarat by an-Nucman. Excerpts in S.M. Stern's "Heterodox Ismacilism at the Time of al-Mucizz," BSOAS, vol. 17 (1955), p. 31. QStands for Shar/l al-Akhbar by an-Nu"man. Excerpts in W. Ivanow's Rite of the Fatimids, Arabic texts, pp. lif. Oxford, 1942. TStands for Taqsim al-'Ulüm by Ismacil ibn Mui.Iammad at-Tamimi, in S. de Sacy's Exposé de la religion des Druzes, vol. 2, pp. 578 if. Paris: 1838. UStands for al-U.rül wal-A[lkam by Ibn Zahra in Khams Rasa~il Ismo'iliyya, ed. by 'Arif Tamir, pp. 99if. Beirut : 1956. U m Stands for "Umdat al-c Arifin by Mul.Iammad al-Ashrafanï (Ms. in my possession). ZStands for .?oakr al-Ma'lÏni by Idris 'Imad ad-Din, Excerpts in W. Ivanow's Rise of the Fatimids, Arabic texts, pp 47if. Oxford: 1942. .refers to physical parenthood.refera to undecided parenthood. +refers to spiritual parenthood.